In the previous post, I discussed a recently published study by Julie M. Albright regarding the cybersex patterns of a large sample of Americans. In addition to asking respondents about whether they had viewed erotic images and videos online and the effect it had on them, the survey also asked whether they had discussed sexual topics online, whether they met someone in person, and whether they had sought a long-term romantic relationship with someone they met online.
Majorities of both women (55%) and men (58%) in the study reported that they had logged on to a personals site at least once. Slightly lower proportions–43% of women and 46% of men–had actually created a profile with a photo of themselves on such a site. Large proportions of individuals who had never been married (53%) or who were divorced (59%) had created a profile with a photo. Possibly somewhat surprisingly, 27% of married individuals had done so as well. This means that over a quarter of married people had gone online to advertise their attributes to others who are interested in meeting someone for a romantic or sexual relationship.
Moreover, 63% of married people in the survey reported that they had communicated by e-mail with at least one person they met on the personals website. An equal proportion (63%) had actually met at least one individual in person. Taking into account the marital status of individuals, 76% of never-married and 82% of divorced respondents had met at least one cyber partner in person. Furthermore, 36% of married respondents indicated that they had met one cyber partner in person, while approximately 30% had met two or more individuals in person. Women reported e-mailing and meeting more people in person than did men.
You might wonder about the motivations for communicating with people online or meeting them in person. Women and men were not different in terms of reporting that they were just curious or just browsing. Married people were half as likely as those who had never been married to indicate that they were simply curious or were just browsing as the reason for logging on to a personals site. Divorced and never-married individuals reported this reason in about the same higher proportions compared to married individuals. In contrast, never-married individuals were two times more likely to say that they visited these websites to engage in sexual chat than were married or divorced people. So, if they were neither simply curious nor interested in sexual chat in the case of married respondents, what were married people interested in? Both married and divorced people were four times more likely to say they wanted to “date for fun” than were never-married individuals.
What did individuals end up doing as a result of visiting personals websites? Actually, relatively small proportions of the survey participants actually connected with their cyber partners: 17% of women and 11% of men went on a date as a result of their online visits, 15% of women and 14% of men engaged in casual sex with someone they met online, 7% of women and 5% of men had a discreet affair, and 12% of women and 4% of men became involved in a committed relationship.
On a final note, who do you think was more likely to seek a serious romantic relationship by visiting sexually oriented personals sites, single people or divorced people? Believe it or not, married heterosexual individuals were five and a half times as likely to be on the hunt for a serious relationship compared to singles; they were also more likely to go on a date with someone they had met on a sex-related website. Moreover, divorced individuals were three and half times more likely than never-married individuals to want a serious relationship.
What is Albright’s interpretation of this rather surprising finding? “Perhaps people already married or in committed relationships are unhappy and are ‘testing the waters’ to see if an attractive other would respond to them online, allowing them to transition out of the marriage” (p. 184). In other words, people who are unhappy in their marriage may be trying to find a romantic partner to replace their spouse if they decide to leave the marriage, or to give them a substantial reason to finally get out. One point to keep in mind, however, is that the married individuals were probably dissatisfied in the relationship already and, even without the internet, would have been searching for romantic and sexual partners in other ways.
Albright, J. M. (2008). Sex in America online: An exploration of sex, marital status, and sexual identity in Internet sex seeking and its impacts. Journal of Sex Research, 45, 175-186.
Wednesday, August 6, 2008
Tuesday, August 5, 2008
Sex in Cyber World
Some of you out there in Cyber World may have a burning question or two about the effect of viewing erotic images and videos online, visiting websites devoted to dating or sexual hookups, or messaging online in an erotic, titillating way with some secret, cyber sex partner. The questions that a number of people seem to have (if I can take a little literary license here) are: Does the internet lead to the horrific, debilitating downfall of many a good woman and man, as well as the devastating ruination of untold numbers of relationships? Or, is Cyber World the great exotic, enchanting hideaway e-resort or lavish luxury virtual cruise where individuals can mingle and cavort electronically, allowing them to meet the men or women of their dreams and live a life of fulfillment and delight that they wouldn’t be able to live without the internet?
Of course, these two questions are phrased in an exaggerated, hyperbolic way, like you might find in some over-the-top sensational popular magazine. Yet, I have heard some individuals refer to the viewing of erotica online and cruising the internet as absolutely and necessarily corrupting and dangerous. Like many extremist viewpoints on various issues, this doomsday perspective is not universally supported by empirical evidence. Nonetheless, even some scientific researchers focus exclusively on the adverse effects of sexually oriented online behaviors, or cybersex.
An article recently published in the Journal of Sex Research by Julie M. Albright provides new information regarding the cybersex patterns of a large group of Americans. It does not address the long-term effects of such experience, but few, if any, studies do. Professor Albright, a sociologist at the University of Southern California, analyzed data obtained by Elle Magazine and MSNBC.com in their Cybersex Survey available at the MSNBC.com website in 2004. Respondents to the survey were recruited by announcements in the Elle Magazine, on Elle.com, and on MSNBC.com. The way that the survey was conducted has both disadvantages and advantages. The downside is that people who participated were those who heard about the study and volunteered on their own; consequently, they selected themselves, rather than being randomly selected by a scientist so that we can have greater confidence that the group is an accurate reflection of the population of people who use the internet for sexual reasons. A tremendous strength of the study is that 15,246 people responded to the survey. However, 75% were men, and we have no way of knowing if that is an accurate proportion for this population.
One important issue that was addressed in this analysis was whether individuals who use the internet for sexual reasons are prone to be compulsive in their sex-seeking behaviors, one of the suspected outcomes of cybersex. Professor Albright found that only 2% of respondents spent more than 11 hours per week in internet sex-seeking behaviors, the amount identified by a previous researcher as excessive. Women were as likely as men to be in this group. The low rate means that it is unlikely that sexually oriented cyber behavior automatically leads to compulsive behavior; in fact, this outcome is very unlikely. Single individuals and gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals were more likely to spend this extreme number of hours on cybersex compared to married and heterosexual individuals (although, again, the proportions were very small).
In fact, certain proportions of individuals indicate that they experience positive outcomes from their online experiences, although women and men appear to get somewhat different types of benefits. Women reported greater levels of chatting online about sex, possibly creating more of a “relational context,” as Albright calls it, to their internet experiences. In keeping with the relationship focus, women indicated to a slightly greater extent than men that they were more open to trying new situations and behavior as a result of viewing erotica (26% of women, 24% of men), and that it was easier to talk about what they want sexually as a result of their online experience (26% of women, 23% of men). They also were slightly more likely to employ the strategy of viewing erotic images and videos with their partner as a way to heighten sexual arousal for them (19% of women, 16% of men).
Men, in contrast, indicated to a greater extent that they viewed erotic images and videos online (75% did so) than did women (41%). Men were only very slightly more likely to view the erotica alone to increase their own sexual arousal, 16% of men compared to 14% of women. This type of viewing may have involved masturbation.
Participants in the survey also reported on whether they had experienced several negative outcomes. Smaller proportions of individuals indicated that they had experienced negative outcomes than indicated that they had experienced positive outcomes. The greatest proportion was 15% of women reporting that they had felt pressure to engage in sexual behaviors they had seen online; only 2% of men reported feeling this pressure. Slightly more women (12%) indicated that their viewing of erotica had resulted in them engaging in sex with their partner less often compared to men (9%). Although relatively rare overall, somewhat greater proportions of women (9%) felt that their partner was more critical of them as a result of viewing erotica than were men (2%). In contrast, greater proportions of men (9%) reported that they themselves were more critical of their partner as a result of erotica compared to women (2%). Again, the negative effect on views of one’s partner was relatively infrequent.
More will be said in the next blog entry about actually seeking out sexual partners online to meet in person. However, the results of this survey suggest that, with respect to viewing erotic images and videos, larger proportions of both women and men report positive outcomes than negative ones. A compulsive pattern of online sexually oriented behavior is indeed extremely rare.
Albright, J. M. (2008). Sex in America online: An exploration of sex, marital status, and sexual identity in Internet sex seeking and its impacts. Journal of Sex Research, 45, 175-186.
Of course, these two questions are phrased in an exaggerated, hyperbolic way, like you might find in some over-the-top sensational popular magazine. Yet, I have heard some individuals refer to the viewing of erotica online and cruising the internet as absolutely and necessarily corrupting and dangerous. Like many extremist viewpoints on various issues, this doomsday perspective is not universally supported by empirical evidence. Nonetheless, even some scientific researchers focus exclusively on the adverse effects of sexually oriented online behaviors, or cybersex.
An article recently published in the Journal of Sex Research by Julie M. Albright provides new information regarding the cybersex patterns of a large group of Americans. It does not address the long-term effects of such experience, but few, if any, studies do. Professor Albright, a sociologist at the University of Southern California, analyzed data obtained by Elle Magazine and MSNBC.com in their Cybersex Survey available at the MSNBC.com website in 2004. Respondents to the survey were recruited by announcements in the Elle Magazine, on Elle.com, and on MSNBC.com. The way that the survey was conducted has both disadvantages and advantages. The downside is that people who participated were those who heard about the study and volunteered on their own; consequently, they selected themselves, rather than being randomly selected by a scientist so that we can have greater confidence that the group is an accurate reflection of the population of people who use the internet for sexual reasons. A tremendous strength of the study is that 15,246 people responded to the survey. However, 75% were men, and we have no way of knowing if that is an accurate proportion for this population.
One important issue that was addressed in this analysis was whether individuals who use the internet for sexual reasons are prone to be compulsive in their sex-seeking behaviors, one of the suspected outcomes of cybersex. Professor Albright found that only 2% of respondents spent more than 11 hours per week in internet sex-seeking behaviors, the amount identified by a previous researcher as excessive. Women were as likely as men to be in this group. The low rate means that it is unlikely that sexually oriented cyber behavior automatically leads to compulsive behavior; in fact, this outcome is very unlikely. Single individuals and gay, lesbian, or bisexual individuals were more likely to spend this extreme number of hours on cybersex compared to married and heterosexual individuals (although, again, the proportions were very small).
In fact, certain proportions of individuals indicate that they experience positive outcomes from their online experiences, although women and men appear to get somewhat different types of benefits. Women reported greater levels of chatting online about sex, possibly creating more of a “relational context,” as Albright calls it, to their internet experiences. In keeping with the relationship focus, women indicated to a slightly greater extent than men that they were more open to trying new situations and behavior as a result of viewing erotica (26% of women, 24% of men), and that it was easier to talk about what they want sexually as a result of their online experience (26% of women, 23% of men). They also were slightly more likely to employ the strategy of viewing erotic images and videos with their partner as a way to heighten sexual arousal for them (19% of women, 16% of men).
Men, in contrast, indicated to a greater extent that they viewed erotic images and videos online (75% did so) than did women (41%). Men were only very slightly more likely to view the erotica alone to increase their own sexual arousal, 16% of men compared to 14% of women. This type of viewing may have involved masturbation.
Participants in the survey also reported on whether they had experienced several negative outcomes. Smaller proportions of individuals indicated that they had experienced negative outcomes than indicated that they had experienced positive outcomes. The greatest proportion was 15% of women reporting that they had felt pressure to engage in sexual behaviors they had seen online; only 2% of men reported feeling this pressure. Slightly more women (12%) indicated that their viewing of erotica had resulted in them engaging in sex with their partner less often compared to men (9%). Although relatively rare overall, somewhat greater proportions of women (9%) felt that their partner was more critical of them as a result of viewing erotica than were men (2%). In contrast, greater proportions of men (9%) reported that they themselves were more critical of their partner as a result of erotica compared to women (2%). Again, the negative effect on views of one’s partner was relatively infrequent.
More will be said in the next blog entry about actually seeking out sexual partners online to meet in person. However, the results of this survey suggest that, with respect to viewing erotic images and videos, larger proportions of both women and men report positive outcomes than negative ones. A compulsive pattern of online sexually oriented behavior is indeed extremely rare.
Albright, J. M. (2008). Sex in America online: An exploration of sex, marital status, and sexual identity in Internet sex seeking and its impacts. Journal of Sex Research, 45, 175-186.
Tuesday, March 4, 2008
“I’ve Never Done This Before” and “Was It As Good For You As It Was For Me?!” Sex, Lies, and Whatever It Takes
Can you believe your sexual partner when he or she tells you that you are the first, and the one and only? Can you really be sure when your partner seems as if they have just experienced the most earth-shattering orgasm during sex with you? Maybe, but don’t be too sure.
Research indicates that 85% of individuals have lied to their relationship partner regarding their involvement with some other person, such as having engaged in sex with someone outside of the relationship (Saxe, 1991). In fact, 92% of college students acknowledge that they have lied at least once to a partner. The most common “mistruths” concern the number of people with whom one has previously had sex (31% say they have not told the truth about that issue; “One or two others? Yeah, okay . . . we’ll go with that number”), having experienced an orgasm (26%), commending one’s partner as the best ever (18%), assuring the partner that the sex was good (18%), telling the partner they love him or her (17%), or claiming to be a virgin (8%; Knox, Schacht, Holt, & Turner, 1993). Beyond these issues, substantial proportions of individuals infected with HIV do not inform their primary partner of their status (12 to 33%; Sullivan, 2005), 38% of those with genital herpes do not (Green et al., 2003), and 69% of those with human papillomavirus (HPV) do not (Keller, Von Sadovsky, Pankratz, & Hermsen, 2000).
Maybe it isn’t extremely surprising, but people will also actually lie so that a potential partner will have sex with them. Over a third of men and a tenth of women have reported that they lied to a partner so that they would have sex with them (Cochran & Mays, 1990).
Recent research by William Marelich and his colleagues (Marelich, Lundquist, Painter, & Mechanic, 2008) found that sexual lies or deceptions, according to statistical analyses, fall into three categories: blatant deception, self-serving deception, and deception to avoid confrontation. Examples of blatant deception include telling “. . . someone ‘I love you’ but really didn’t just to have sex with them” and “had sex with someone just so you could tell your friends about it.” Self-serving lies include “had sex with someone to get resources from them (e.g., money, clothes, companionship)” and “had sex with someone so you would have someone to sleep next to.” Deception to avoid confrontation consists of, among other examples, “had sex even though you didn’t want to” and “had sex with someone in order to maintain your relationship with them.”
In this study, the most frequent type of deception was avoiding confrontation, with 51% of study respondents indicating that they have had sex with someone because they wanted to please their partner. Also, individuals had sex with someone even though they didn’t want to (27%), although this item does not really indicate the reason they had sex even though they didn’t want to. Women were more likely to report having engaged in these relationship maintaining strategies, most likely intended to avoid disappointing their partner and sidestepping situations that might destablilize and threaten relationships. In contrast, men were more likely to engage in blatant types of deception, aimed at getting a partner to engage in sex with them. Women and men, however, were not different in their tendency to employ self-serving deception strategies; this type of strategy is consistent with the social exchange view of interpersonal relationships discussed in Chapters 9 and 10 of the textbook.
Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (1990). Sex, lies, and HIV. New England Journal of Medicine, 322, 774-775.
Green, J., Ferrier, S., Kocsis, A., Shadrick, J., Ukoumunne, O. C., Murphy, S., & Hetherton, J. (2003). Determinants of disclosure of genital herpes to partners. Sexually Transmitted Infections, 79, 42-44.
Keller, M. L., Von Sadovsky, V., Pankratz, B., & Hermsen, J. (2000). Self-disclusure of HPV infection to sexual partners. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 22, 285-302.
Knox, D., Schacht, C., Holt, J., & Turner, J. (1993). Sexual lies among university students. College Student Journal, 27, 269-272.
Marelich, W. D., Lundquist, J., Painter, K., & Mechanic, M. B. (2008). Sexual deception as a social-exchange process: Development of a behavior-based sexual deception scale. Journal of Sex Research, 45, 27-35.
Saxe, L. (1991). Lying: Thoughts of an applied social psychologist. American Psychologist, 46, 409-415.
Sullivan, K. M. (2005). Male self-disclosure of HIV-positive serostatus to sex partners: A review of the literature. Journal of the Association of Nurses in AIDS Care, 16, 33-47.
Research indicates that 85% of individuals have lied to their relationship partner regarding their involvement with some other person, such as having engaged in sex with someone outside of the relationship (Saxe, 1991). In fact, 92% of college students acknowledge that they have lied at least once to a partner. The most common “mistruths” concern the number of people with whom one has previously had sex (31% say they have not told the truth about that issue; “One or two others? Yeah, okay . . . we’ll go with that number”), having experienced an orgasm (26%), commending one’s partner as the best ever (18%), assuring the partner that the sex was good (18%), telling the partner they love him or her (17%), or claiming to be a virgin (8%; Knox, Schacht, Holt, & Turner, 1993). Beyond these issues, substantial proportions of individuals infected with HIV do not inform their primary partner of their status (12 to 33%; Sullivan, 2005), 38% of those with genital herpes do not (Green et al., 2003), and 69% of those with human papillomavirus (HPV) do not (Keller, Von Sadovsky, Pankratz, & Hermsen, 2000).
Maybe it isn’t extremely surprising, but people will also actually lie so that a potential partner will have sex with them. Over a third of men and a tenth of women have reported that they lied to a partner so that they would have sex with them (Cochran & Mays, 1990).
Recent research by William Marelich and his colleagues (Marelich, Lundquist, Painter, & Mechanic, 2008) found that sexual lies or deceptions, according to statistical analyses, fall into three categories: blatant deception, self-serving deception, and deception to avoid confrontation. Examples of blatant deception include telling “. . . someone ‘I love you’ but really didn’t just to have sex with them” and “had sex with someone just so you could tell your friends about it.” Self-serving lies include “had sex with someone to get resources from them (e.g., money, clothes, companionship)” and “had sex with someone so you would have someone to sleep next to.” Deception to avoid confrontation consists of, among other examples, “had sex even though you didn’t want to” and “had sex with someone in order to maintain your relationship with them.”
In this study, the most frequent type of deception was avoiding confrontation, with 51% of study respondents indicating that they have had sex with someone because they wanted to please their partner. Also, individuals had sex with someone even though they didn’t want to (27%), although this item does not really indicate the reason they had sex even though they didn’t want to. Women were more likely to report having engaged in these relationship maintaining strategies, most likely intended to avoid disappointing their partner and sidestepping situations that might destablilize and threaten relationships. In contrast, men were more likely to engage in blatant types of deception, aimed at getting a partner to engage in sex with them. Women and men, however, were not different in their tendency to employ self-serving deception strategies; this type of strategy is consistent with the social exchange view of interpersonal relationships discussed in Chapters 9 and 10 of the textbook.
Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (1990). Sex, lies, and HIV. New England Journal of Medicine, 322, 774-775.
Green, J., Ferrier, S., Kocsis, A., Shadrick, J., Ukoumunne, O. C., Murphy, S., & Hetherton, J. (2003). Determinants of disclosure of genital herpes to partners. Sexually Transmitted Infections, 79, 42-44.
Keller, M. L., Von Sadovsky, V., Pankratz, B., & Hermsen, J. (2000). Self-disclusure of HPV infection to sexual partners. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 22, 285-302.
Knox, D., Schacht, C., Holt, J., & Turner, J. (1993). Sexual lies among university students. College Student Journal, 27, 269-272.
Marelich, W. D., Lundquist, J., Painter, K., & Mechanic, M. B. (2008). Sexual deception as a social-exchange process: Development of a behavior-based sexual deception scale. Journal of Sex Research, 45, 27-35.
Saxe, L. (1991). Lying: Thoughts of an applied social psychologist. American Psychologist, 46, 409-415.
Sullivan, K. M. (2005). Male self-disclosure of HIV-positive serostatus to sex partners: A review of the literature. Journal of the Association of Nurses in AIDS Care, 16, 33-47.
Saturday, February 2, 2008
Should Boys Be Vaccinated Against HPV Infection?
Human papillomavirus (HPV) infection is the leading cause of cervical cancer among women today. However, research published February 1, 2008 indicates that HPV is also the leading cause of cancer of the tonsils, lower tongue, and upper throat (Chaturvedi, Engels, Anderson, & Gillison, 2008). The rates of HPV-related oral cancer have increased consistently in men from 1973 to 2004, such that it is now as prevalent as oral cancer caused by tobacco and alcohol. Approximately, 5600 cases annually may be attributed to infection with HPV. The increasing prevalence of HPV-related oral cancer in men may be due to the increasing frequency of oral-genital sex, in addition to the decreasing rates of tobacco use. HPV-related oral cancer has actually declined in the same time period for women.
Currently, a vaccine to prevent HPV infection, produced by Merck & Company, Inc., is only authorized by the federal government to be administered to girls, because early research focused on the risk of cervical cancer in women. However, the recent research suggests an additional reason that HPV vaccination should begin for boys as well. In fact, Merck plans to seek federal authorization for boys in the near future. In addition to oral cancer, HPV infection is also linked to increased risk for genital warts, penile cancer, and anal cancer. The recent research by Merck has only focused on the latter types of cancer, not oral cancer (Stobbe, February 1, 2008).
All of these findings lend support to arguments that boys should be vaccinated at early ages, along with girls. The vaccine is more effective if it is administered prior to HPV infection, which is the rationale for vaccinating individuals at an early age before they have first engaged in sexual behavior. Initially, the proposal to vaccinate boys was based on concern about reducing the spread of HPV to women because of its role in increasing risk of cervical cancer. With evidence indicating that HPV is associated with higher levels of oral, penile, and anal cancer among men, the vaccination of boys against HPV infection is even more compelling.
The proposal to vaccinate young girls, however, has already inflamed a good deal of controversy in a number of states and communities around the U.S. It is likely that the movement to vaccinate boys will meet with the same type of disapproval by some people.
What is your view about the issue of vaccinating girls and boys for HPV infection? Why do you suppose some people are upset about the prospect? Is it more important to protect individuals from factors known to cause cancer, or to avoid the issue because it is related to sexual behavior?
Chaturvedi, A. K., Engels, E. A., Anderson, W. F., & Gillison, M. L. (2008). Incidence trends for Human Papillomavirus–related and –unrelated oral squamous cell carcinomas in the United States. Journal of Clinical Oncology, 26, 612–619.
Stobbe, M. (February 1, 2008). HPV causing more oral cancer in men. Retrieved February 2, 2008, from http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5ip7PfN_mm2RrKX-AyRKDX9FNzzNwD8UHQ3KG0
Currently, a vaccine to prevent HPV infection, produced by Merck & Company, Inc., is only authorized by the federal government to be administered to girls, because early research focused on the risk of cervical cancer in women. However, the recent research suggests an additional reason that HPV vaccination should begin for boys as well. In fact, Merck plans to seek federal authorization for boys in the near future. In addition to oral cancer, HPV infection is also linked to increased risk for genital warts, penile cancer, and anal cancer. The recent research by Merck has only focused on the latter types of cancer, not oral cancer (Stobbe, February 1, 2008).
All of these findings lend support to arguments that boys should be vaccinated at early ages, along with girls. The vaccine is more effective if it is administered prior to HPV infection, which is the rationale for vaccinating individuals at an early age before they have first engaged in sexual behavior. Initially, the proposal to vaccinate boys was based on concern about reducing the spread of HPV to women because of its role in increasing risk of cervical cancer. With evidence indicating that HPV is associated with higher levels of oral, penile, and anal cancer among men, the vaccination of boys against HPV infection is even more compelling.
The proposal to vaccinate young girls, however, has already inflamed a good deal of controversy in a number of states and communities around the U.S. It is likely that the movement to vaccinate boys will meet with the same type of disapproval by some people.
What is your view about the issue of vaccinating girls and boys for HPV infection? Why do you suppose some people are upset about the prospect? Is it more important to protect individuals from factors known to cause cancer, or to avoid the issue because it is related to sexual behavior?
Chaturvedi, A. K., Engels, E. A., Anderson, W. F., & Gillison, M. L. (2008). Incidence trends for Human Papillomavirus–related and –unrelated oral squamous cell carcinomas in the United States. Journal of Clinical Oncology, 26, 612–619.
Stobbe, M. (February 1, 2008). HPV causing more oral cancer in men. Retrieved February 2, 2008, from http://ap.google.com/article/ALeqM5ip7PfN_mm2RrKX-AyRKDX9FNzzNwD8UHQ3KG0
Monday, December 31, 2007
Body Shame Detracts from Sexual Enjoyment
Research published this month in the Archives of Sexual Behavior by Diana Sanchez and Amy Kiefer (2007) indicates that having a negative view of one’s own body is not only unpleasant in general. Body shame, as the negative view is called, also makes it less likely that individuals will enjoy sexual behavior. The study further suggests that the lower levels of sexual enjoyment result from greater self-consciousness about one’s body during sexual interaction with a partner.
Sanchez and Kiefer obtained the responses of 320 individuals to an internet survey. The study was announced through message boards for 150 different U.S. Yahoo groups and 20 e-mail lists for University of Michigan undergraduate and graduate students. Respondents ranged between the ages of 17 and 71 years, 38% of whom were men and 62% were women. The vast majority were involved in a romantic relationship. Those who were not in a relationship were asked to report about their experiences in their most recent sexual relationship.
Body shame was assessed using the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale, which includes ratings such as “When I cannot control my weight, I feel like something must be wrong with me”. Sexual self-consciousness was measured with the Body Image Self-Consciousness Scale, consisting of ratings such as “The worst part of having sex is being nude in front of another person”. Sexual enjoyment was evaluated in terms of three different aspects, sexual arousability, difficulty reaching orgasm, and sexual pleasure. Sexual arousability was measured with the Sexual Arousability Scale, with ratings such as indicating how sexually aroused one becomes “When a loved one stimulates your genitals with mouth and tongue”. Difficulty reaching orgasm was determined by two ratings directly asking about the frequency of experiencing orgasm during sexual activity with one’s partner. Sexual pleasure was assessed by three ratings of how pleasurable sexual intercourse, sexual activities, and sexual intimacy with one’s partner are.
Greater shame related to one’s body was associated with a lower likelihood of experiencing sexual arousal and sexual pleasure, as well as a greater tendency to have trouble reaching orgasm. Analyses demonstrated that the negative effect on sexual enjoyment occurred because shame resulted in greater self-consciousness about one’s body during sexual behavior. Sexual self-consciousness had the same detrimental affect on arousability and pleasure for both women and men. However, body shame was more likely to lead to sexual self-consciousness for women than men. In addition, women reported greater body shame and sexual self-consciousness than men.
These results indicate that men and women have the same type of reaction to negative feelings about their body. Yet, women are more susceptible to experiencing such negative feelings.
Although the information collected in the study does not address the way that sexual self-consciousness produces a negative effect on sexual arousability and pleasure, Sanchez and Kiefer suggest several possibilities. First, self-consciousness about one’s body during sex may distract individuals by focusing their attention away from the sexual activities, preventing them from enjoying the pleasure that may result. They may not be able to relax and appreciate the sensations and feelings because they worry about their appearance. A second possibility is that focusing attention on the perceived negative features of one’s body may prevent individuals from focusing on the physical arousal that is occurring, such that they simply do not register and become aware of its pleasurable nature.
The negative views that individuals develop regarding their bodies has been explained by feminist theorists in particular in terms of self-objectification. Self-objectification is the tendency to think of one’s physical self largely in terms of its appearance and to assume the perspective of others who might view one’s body. The tendency leads to the application of cultural standards of what the ideal body should look like. Because U.S. society has created such extreme standards for beauty, especially for women, and because appearance has been elevated to such a high position of importance, women are particularly likely to experience self-objectification and the negative emotions that accompany it.
Sanchez and Kiefer suggest that their results point to possible strategies that may be employed in therapy for couples experiencing sexual difficulties. Individuals might be encouraged to develop the tendency to provide positive feedback about the body of their partner’s if they are found to experience substantial levels of body shame and self-consciousness. Such a strategy may help the individual to cultivate more positive self-images regarding their body, allowing them to enhance their arousal and pleasurable experience during sexual activity over time.
Sanchez, D. T., & Kiefer, A. K. (2007). Body concerns in and out of the bedroom: Implications for sexual pleasure and problems. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 36, 808–820.
Sanchez and Kiefer obtained the responses of 320 individuals to an internet survey. The study was announced through message boards for 150 different U.S. Yahoo groups and 20 e-mail lists for University of Michigan undergraduate and graduate students. Respondents ranged between the ages of 17 and 71 years, 38% of whom were men and 62% were women. The vast majority were involved in a romantic relationship. Those who were not in a relationship were asked to report about their experiences in their most recent sexual relationship.
Body shame was assessed using the Objectified Body Consciousness Scale, which includes ratings such as “When I cannot control my weight, I feel like something must be wrong with me”. Sexual self-consciousness was measured with the Body Image Self-Consciousness Scale, consisting of ratings such as “The worst part of having sex is being nude in front of another person”. Sexual enjoyment was evaluated in terms of three different aspects, sexual arousability, difficulty reaching orgasm, and sexual pleasure. Sexual arousability was measured with the Sexual Arousability Scale, with ratings such as indicating how sexually aroused one becomes “When a loved one stimulates your genitals with mouth and tongue”. Difficulty reaching orgasm was determined by two ratings directly asking about the frequency of experiencing orgasm during sexual activity with one’s partner. Sexual pleasure was assessed by three ratings of how pleasurable sexual intercourse, sexual activities, and sexual intimacy with one’s partner are.
Greater shame related to one’s body was associated with a lower likelihood of experiencing sexual arousal and sexual pleasure, as well as a greater tendency to have trouble reaching orgasm. Analyses demonstrated that the negative effect on sexual enjoyment occurred because shame resulted in greater self-consciousness about one’s body during sexual behavior. Sexual self-consciousness had the same detrimental affect on arousability and pleasure for both women and men. However, body shame was more likely to lead to sexual self-consciousness for women than men. In addition, women reported greater body shame and sexual self-consciousness than men.
These results indicate that men and women have the same type of reaction to negative feelings about their body. Yet, women are more susceptible to experiencing such negative feelings.
Although the information collected in the study does not address the way that sexual self-consciousness produces a negative effect on sexual arousability and pleasure, Sanchez and Kiefer suggest several possibilities. First, self-consciousness about one’s body during sex may distract individuals by focusing their attention away from the sexual activities, preventing them from enjoying the pleasure that may result. They may not be able to relax and appreciate the sensations and feelings because they worry about their appearance. A second possibility is that focusing attention on the perceived negative features of one’s body may prevent individuals from focusing on the physical arousal that is occurring, such that they simply do not register and become aware of its pleasurable nature.
The negative views that individuals develop regarding their bodies has been explained by feminist theorists in particular in terms of self-objectification. Self-objectification is the tendency to think of one’s physical self largely in terms of its appearance and to assume the perspective of others who might view one’s body. The tendency leads to the application of cultural standards of what the ideal body should look like. Because U.S. society has created such extreme standards for beauty, especially for women, and because appearance has been elevated to such a high position of importance, women are particularly likely to experience self-objectification and the negative emotions that accompany it.
Sanchez and Kiefer suggest that their results point to possible strategies that may be employed in therapy for couples experiencing sexual difficulties. Individuals might be encouraged to develop the tendency to provide positive feedback about the body of their partner’s if they are found to experience substantial levels of body shame and self-consciousness. Such a strategy may help the individual to cultivate more positive self-images regarding their body, allowing them to enhance their arousal and pleasurable experience during sexual activity over time.
Sanchez, D. T., & Kiefer, A. K. (2007). Body concerns in and out of the bedroom: Implications for sexual pleasure and problems. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 36, 808–820.
Saturday, November 24, 2007
Does Early Abstinence Promote Later Mental Health?
Laura Bogart and her colleagues (2007) of the RAND Corporation asked the question in a newly published article in the Journal of Sex Research: “Do adolescents who delay sexual behavior until later in life enjoy better psychological adjustment as adults?”
The issue is of tremendous importance, not only because of the implications for the well-being of individuals throughout their lives. It is also important because faith in the health benefits of abstinence has been a guiding principle in official U.S. policy over the last decade.
As noted by Bogart and colleagues (2007, p. 290):
Of course, these assumptions need to be examined empirically (that is, scientifically) to justify their use as the basis for government policy that determines what young people are being taught in public schools. Yet, only a small number of studies have really even tackled this issue. Furthermore, the ones that have been conducted are limited in their value.
Here’s where an in-depth understanding of scientific methods is very useful. To be a good “consumer” of scientific research, you need to be familiar with the various ways of conducting psychological research. Otherwise, the wrong conclusions may be drawn about the meaning of results that are obtained. Most of the available studies are cross sectional, meaning that they have looked at differences across different people at one point in time.
Cross-sectional studies have in fact found that individuals who are abstinent in adolescence tend to have lower levels of psychological problems. That is, they have “fewer symptoms of depression, stress, conduct disorder, and substance abuse or dependence” (Bogart et al., 2007, p. 290).
The problem with studies based on a group of people at one point in time, of course, is that the research does not reveal the long-term effects of behavior on well-being. Moreover, it is not clear in such studies what causes what. It may be that adolescents who are suffering from stress, difficulties in life, or psychological problems are more likely to engage in sexual behavior, rather than sexual behavior leading to such problems. What are needed are longitudinal studies, those that keep track of the same individuals over a long period of time.
Even the few available longitudinal studies that have been conducted, however, suggest that abstinence during adolescence is associated with better adult mental health. The problem that Bogart and her colleagues have with these studies is that they did not examine factors occurring during the teenage years that are related to both mental health problems and adolescent sexual behavior at the same time. That is, certain conditions occur for teenagers that are known to be linked to both psychological problems during adolescence and a greater likelihood of engaging in early sexual behavior.
It is likely that someone who is troubled as an adolescent will be more likely to have psychological problems later in life as an adult. This person may also be more likely to have engaged in sexual behavior as an adolescent. Therefore, the link between teenage sexual behavior and later adult psychological problems may be due to their mutual connection to the factors that caused them to be troubled as adolescents. The early sexual behavior may not have actually caused the adult psychological problems. This confusion about what causes what in a scientific study is known as confounding. In this situation, it is impossible to know conclusively that one early factor (teenage sex) actually caused a later outcome (adult psychological problems) because of the possibility that some other factor (family problems as a teenager) caused the adult psychological problems.
The study by Bogart and her colleagues is a fine example of a high-quality longitudinal study. They examined a very large group of people (1,917 to be exact) over a 16-year period, starting in middle school at age 13. The final measure of mental health therefore was obtained when the study participants were 29 years old. Another strong point of the study is that an extremely high proportion of individuals examined at age 13 remained in the study at age 29. Beyond the advantage of assessing health over an extended time, factors known to be associated with psychological well-being were also evaluated in the study. These factors occurring during adolescence were (a) educational prospects for participants, (b) the quality of family bonding and parent-child relationships, and (c) the level of rebelliousness, unconventional attitudes and behavior, and substance abuse exhibited by the adolescents.
The first factor that was examined was educational prospects. Research has indicated that, especially for girls, the educational achievement of parents and the educational accomplishments and aspirations of the girls themselves, are associated with lower levels of early sexual behavior, childbirth, and marriage. Girls with greater educational prospect may delay getting involved in sex and relationships so that they can devote their energy and resources to advancing their professional goals. Furthermore, higher socioeconomic status is related to better mental health in adolescence, as well as in adulthood. Greater educational attainment is likewise associated with greater socioeconomic level.
The second factor evaluated in the study was the quality of the family environment and parent-child relationships. Features of family life such as stability in the home, good parent-child communication, and high quality parent-child relationships are linked to greater likelihood of abstinence. The quality of the family environment is additionally associated with greater psychological health and well-being.
The third factor was adolescent rebelliousness and unconventional attitudes and behavior, including substance abuse. These characteristics have been found to relate to both a greater likelihood of early sexual behavior and lower psychological health.
Because all of these factors are associated not only with early sexual behavior, but also with psychological well-being, any one of them could explain why sexual behavior correlates with mental health. It may be that early sexual behavior itself does not lead to poorer mental health. One of the three factors instead may cause both early sexual behavior and poorer mental health.
Sexual behavior was defined in the study as engaging in either penile-vaginal or penile-anal intercourse. Abstinence was defined as not engaging in either of these behaviors before the age of 19 years.
As for the results of the study, it was found that, for women, remaining abstinent prior to 19 was associated with greater mental health at age 29, as previous studies have also found. However, no such link was found for men.
The next step in the analyses was to see if the three other factors explained the relationship between abstinence and mental health for women. When the educational prospects of women as adolescents were taken into account, the association between abstinence and mental health disappeared (meaning, it was no longer statistically significant). Similarly, taking into account the quality of family environment as an adolescent, along with respondents’ rebelliousness, reduced the association between abstinence and mental health, but did not eliminate it completely. All three factors explained a substantial amount of the overlap between abstinence and mental health for women.
The finding that educational prospect eliminated the connection between abstinence and mental health suggests that girls’ educational potential leads to both abstinence and to later mental health, rather than abstinence causing later mental health. Bogart and her colleagues (2007) conclude that “girls who are uninvolved in school, have weak family backgrounds, and exhibit unconventionality may have poor adult mental health, whether or not they abstain from sex in adolescence.”
The results of this high-quality study strongly indicate that adolescent sexual behavior is unrelated to later mental health for men. Furthermore, adolescent sexual behavior is not likely a cause of poorer psychological health for women. Rather, disadvantages and risks associated with the early environment lead to later problems in psychological adjustment. Bogart and her colleagues suggest that programs designed to help adolescents should focus on these background and environmental factors rather than specifically on sexual behavior.
Bogart, L. M., Collins, R. L., Ellickson, P. L., & Klein, D. J. (2007). Association of sexual abstinence in adolescence with mental health in adulthood. Journal of Sex Research, 44, 290-298.
U.S. Department of Heath & Human Services. (1998). Understanding title V of the Social Security Act. Retrieved August 14, 2006, from ftp://ftp.hrsa.gov/mchb/titlevtoday/UnderstandingTitleV.pdf
The issue is of tremendous importance, not only because of the implications for the well-being of individuals throughout their lives. It is also important because faith in the health benefits of abstinence has been a guiding principle in official U.S. policy over the last decade.
As noted by Bogart and colleagues (2007, p. 290):
This belief in the benefits of abstinence was codified in Section 510 of Title V of the 1998 Social Security Act, which established an appropriations program for abstinence education (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 1998). To receive federal funds for abstinence education, such programs are required, for example, to teach youth that the benefits of abstinence include “social, psychological, and health gains,” and that “sexual activity outside of the context of marriage is likely to have harmful psychological and physical effects.”
Of course, these assumptions need to be examined empirically (that is, scientifically) to justify their use as the basis for government policy that determines what young people are being taught in public schools. Yet, only a small number of studies have really even tackled this issue. Furthermore, the ones that have been conducted are limited in their value.
Here’s where an in-depth understanding of scientific methods is very useful. To be a good “consumer” of scientific research, you need to be familiar with the various ways of conducting psychological research. Otherwise, the wrong conclusions may be drawn about the meaning of results that are obtained. Most of the available studies are cross sectional, meaning that they have looked at differences across different people at one point in time.
Cross-sectional studies have in fact found that individuals who are abstinent in adolescence tend to have lower levels of psychological problems. That is, they have “fewer symptoms of depression, stress, conduct disorder, and substance abuse or dependence” (Bogart et al., 2007, p. 290).
The problem with studies based on a group of people at one point in time, of course, is that the research does not reveal the long-term effects of behavior on well-being. Moreover, it is not clear in such studies what causes what. It may be that adolescents who are suffering from stress, difficulties in life, or psychological problems are more likely to engage in sexual behavior, rather than sexual behavior leading to such problems. What are needed are longitudinal studies, those that keep track of the same individuals over a long period of time.
Even the few available longitudinal studies that have been conducted, however, suggest that abstinence during adolescence is associated with better adult mental health. The problem that Bogart and her colleagues have with these studies is that they did not examine factors occurring during the teenage years that are related to both mental health problems and adolescent sexual behavior at the same time. That is, certain conditions occur for teenagers that are known to be linked to both psychological problems during adolescence and a greater likelihood of engaging in early sexual behavior.
It is likely that someone who is troubled as an adolescent will be more likely to have psychological problems later in life as an adult. This person may also be more likely to have engaged in sexual behavior as an adolescent. Therefore, the link between teenage sexual behavior and later adult psychological problems may be due to their mutual connection to the factors that caused them to be troubled as adolescents. The early sexual behavior may not have actually caused the adult psychological problems. This confusion about what causes what in a scientific study is known as confounding. In this situation, it is impossible to know conclusively that one early factor (teenage sex) actually caused a later outcome (adult psychological problems) because of the possibility that some other factor (family problems as a teenager) caused the adult psychological problems.
The study by Bogart and her colleagues is a fine example of a high-quality longitudinal study. They examined a very large group of people (1,917 to be exact) over a 16-year period, starting in middle school at age 13. The final measure of mental health therefore was obtained when the study participants were 29 years old. Another strong point of the study is that an extremely high proportion of individuals examined at age 13 remained in the study at age 29. Beyond the advantage of assessing health over an extended time, factors known to be associated with psychological well-being were also evaluated in the study. These factors occurring during adolescence were (a) educational prospects for participants, (b) the quality of family bonding and parent-child relationships, and (c) the level of rebelliousness, unconventional attitudes and behavior, and substance abuse exhibited by the adolescents.
The first factor that was examined was educational prospects. Research has indicated that, especially for girls, the educational achievement of parents and the educational accomplishments and aspirations of the girls themselves, are associated with lower levels of early sexual behavior, childbirth, and marriage. Girls with greater educational prospect may delay getting involved in sex and relationships so that they can devote their energy and resources to advancing their professional goals. Furthermore, higher socioeconomic status is related to better mental health in adolescence, as well as in adulthood. Greater educational attainment is likewise associated with greater socioeconomic level.
The second factor evaluated in the study was the quality of the family environment and parent-child relationships. Features of family life such as stability in the home, good parent-child communication, and high quality parent-child relationships are linked to greater likelihood of abstinence. The quality of the family environment is additionally associated with greater psychological health and well-being.
The third factor was adolescent rebelliousness and unconventional attitudes and behavior, including substance abuse. These characteristics have been found to relate to both a greater likelihood of early sexual behavior and lower psychological health.
Because all of these factors are associated not only with early sexual behavior, but also with psychological well-being, any one of them could explain why sexual behavior correlates with mental health. It may be that early sexual behavior itself does not lead to poorer mental health. One of the three factors instead may cause both early sexual behavior and poorer mental health.
Sexual behavior was defined in the study as engaging in either penile-vaginal or penile-anal intercourse. Abstinence was defined as not engaging in either of these behaviors before the age of 19 years.
As for the results of the study, it was found that, for women, remaining abstinent prior to 19 was associated with greater mental health at age 29, as previous studies have also found. However, no such link was found for men.
The next step in the analyses was to see if the three other factors explained the relationship between abstinence and mental health for women. When the educational prospects of women as adolescents were taken into account, the association between abstinence and mental health disappeared (meaning, it was no longer statistically significant). Similarly, taking into account the quality of family environment as an adolescent, along with respondents’ rebelliousness, reduced the association between abstinence and mental health, but did not eliminate it completely. All three factors explained a substantial amount of the overlap between abstinence and mental health for women.
The finding that educational prospect eliminated the connection between abstinence and mental health suggests that girls’ educational potential leads to both abstinence and to later mental health, rather than abstinence causing later mental health. Bogart and her colleagues (2007) conclude that “girls who are uninvolved in school, have weak family backgrounds, and exhibit unconventionality may have poor adult mental health, whether or not they abstain from sex in adolescence.”
The results of this high-quality study strongly indicate that adolescent sexual behavior is unrelated to later mental health for men. Furthermore, adolescent sexual behavior is not likely a cause of poorer psychological health for women. Rather, disadvantages and risks associated with the early environment lead to later problems in psychological adjustment. Bogart and her colleagues suggest that programs designed to help adolescents should focus on these background and environmental factors rather than specifically on sexual behavior.
Bogart, L. M., Collins, R. L., Ellickson, P. L., & Klein, D. J. (2007). Association of sexual abstinence in adolescence with mental health in adulthood. Journal of Sex Research, 44, 290-298.
U.S. Department of Heath & Human Services. (1998). Understanding title V of the Social Security Act. Retrieved August 14, 2006, from ftp://ftp.hrsa.gov/mchb/titlevtoday/UnderstandingTitleV.pdf
Wednesday, October 31, 2007
It Is Sex Only If I Want It to Be Sex, And If I Say It Is Sex
So, you think you know what "having sex" means? From a purely objective, "outsider’s" perspective, many people believe that they know exactly what sexual behaviors are involved in "having sex." However, when it comes down to defining whether you yourself have "had sex," a number of people employ flexible standards that help them preserve the belief that they are virgins. More generally, the movable boundary markers for the concept of "having sex" allows people to preserve their sense of integrity, the belief that their behavior is consistent with their moral standards.
One of the first studies focusing on what it means to "have sex" was conducted by Stephanie Sanders and June Reinisch (1999) of The Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and Reproduction. In this study, penile-vaginal intercourse was viewed by virtually all heterosexual college students (99.5%) as qualifying as having sex. Yet, only 81% considered penile-anal intercourse to be sex. Even more surprising, a majority of heterosexual college students (about 60%) did not view oral-genital sex as constituting sex.
The integrity-protecting nature of the strategic use of the concept of "have sex" was revealed by another finding in the study. Specifically, approximately 75% of individuals who had not yet engaged in penile-vaginal intercourse, but who had already engaged in oral-genital sex, felt that oral-genital sex did not really qualify as "having sex." This proportion was substantially greater than that of all college students who participated in the study, which as presented earlier was 60%. This suggests that individuals may have engaged in oral-genital sex rather than penile-vaginal intercourse as a strategy for avoiding "real sex;" in their minds, they remained technically virgins.
More recently, Zoë Peterson and Charlene Muehlenhard (2007) examined the specific motivations involved in the strategic use of the concept of "having sex." The researchers asked college students to think of their own experiences they considered to be "almost but not quite sex." The primary basis for not viewing the behavior as sex among these individuals was the absence of inserting the penis in the vagina. Other reasons given for distinguishing between behaviors identified as "having sex" and "not sex" were whether genital contact, nudity, sexual arousal, orgasm, or an exchange of body fluids had occurred. The behaviors cited as most difficult to clearly categorize as "sex" or "not sex" were oral-genital sex, brief or partial penile-vaginal penetration, and genital-to-genital contact without penetration.
Students were also asked about experiences that were "just barely sex." Their most frequent explanation for the reason the behavior was just barely sex was that penile-vaginal penetration had occurred.
Peterson and Muehlenhard additionally explored the motivations that underlie the tendency to avoid labeling certain sexual behaviors as "having sex." One strategy for uncovering individuals’ motivation was to ask them how they would have felt if the "not quite sex" behavior had actually been sex. Substantially more students (50%) indicated that they would have experienced negative emotions if the behavior had actually been sex than would have experienced positive emotions (14%).
Women were more likely than men to think that they would experience negative emotions if the behavior had been sex. Men were equally likely to believe that they would have experienced positive emotions as negative emotions. Women tended to be concerned that they would have lost their virginity or would feel bad about themselves, if the behavior had been sex. Men who thought they would have had negative emotions were concerned about having sex with the wrong person or that having sex would have harmed the relationship.
Beyond these motives for not viewing the behavior as sex, others included:
One of the first studies focusing on what it means to "have sex" was conducted by Stephanie Sanders and June Reinisch (1999) of The Kinsey Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and Reproduction. In this study, penile-vaginal intercourse was viewed by virtually all heterosexual college students (99.5%) as qualifying as having sex. Yet, only 81% considered penile-anal intercourse to be sex. Even more surprising, a majority of heterosexual college students (about 60%) did not view oral-genital sex as constituting sex.
The integrity-protecting nature of the strategic use of the concept of "have sex" was revealed by another finding in the study. Specifically, approximately 75% of individuals who had not yet engaged in penile-vaginal intercourse, but who had already engaged in oral-genital sex, felt that oral-genital sex did not really qualify as "having sex." This proportion was substantially greater than that of all college students who participated in the study, which as presented earlier was 60%. This suggests that individuals may have engaged in oral-genital sex rather than penile-vaginal intercourse as a strategy for avoiding "real sex;" in their minds, they remained technically virgins.
More recently, Zoë Peterson and Charlene Muehlenhard (2007) examined the specific motivations involved in the strategic use of the concept of "having sex." The researchers asked college students to think of their own experiences they considered to be "almost but not quite sex." The primary basis for not viewing the behavior as sex among these individuals was the absence of inserting the penis in the vagina. Other reasons given for distinguishing between behaviors identified as "having sex" and "not sex" were whether genital contact, nudity, sexual arousal, orgasm, or an exchange of body fluids had occurred. The behaviors cited as most difficult to clearly categorize as "sex" or "not sex" were oral-genital sex, brief or partial penile-vaginal penetration, and genital-to-genital contact without penetration.
Students were also asked about experiences that were "just barely sex." Their most frequent explanation for the reason the behavior was just barely sex was that penile-vaginal penetration had occurred.
Peterson and Muehlenhard additionally explored the motivations that underlie the tendency to avoid labeling certain sexual behaviors as "having sex." One strategy for uncovering individuals’ motivation was to ask them how they would have felt if the "not quite sex" behavior had actually been sex. Substantially more students (50%) indicated that they would have experienced negative emotions if the behavior had actually been sex than would have experienced positive emotions (14%).
Women were more likely than men to think that they would experience negative emotions if the behavior had been sex. Men were equally likely to believe that they would have experienced positive emotions as negative emotions. Women tended to be concerned that they would have lost their virginity or would feel bad about themselves, if the behavior had been sex. Men who thought they would have had negative emotions were concerned about having sex with the wrong person or that having sex would have harmed the relationship.
Beyond these motives for not viewing the behavior as sex, others included:
- not wanting to be perceived negatively by others
- not wanting to have cheated on a partner
- not wanting to behave inconsistently with one’s religious beliefs
- not wanting to challenge one’s heterosexual self-concept (p. 266)
Many of the individuals were in fact aware that the way they defined the behavior affected their understanding of the behavior. Peterson and Muehlenhard provided the example of one woman who reported that she had never "had sex" and that she was a virgin:
I gave him a blow job & he in turn gave me oral sex . . . . Now I am ashamed of it and I wish I had never done it. Because I lost all respect for him and myself.
[Why isn’t it sex?] B/c it was not intercourse.[Any conditions under which you WOULD consider the activity to be sex?] Yes. I have classified it as sex before b/c it’s called oral sex but to justify what I did (I’m a Christian) I told myself a lie.
[If it had been sex, how would you feel?] I would have cried afterwards. I would have been giving up something that I can never ever have back and that’s something that I want to give to my husband. I would be in severe depression . . . . (p. 262).
Other individuals provided similar, extremely forthright accounts of reinterpreting sexual behavior as nonsexual. Actually, in some cases, individuals intentionally interpreted an experience as sexual behavior that did not meet their own, earlier stated definition of "real sex." One example of such a case included a three-way sexual encounter that almost occurred, but was interrupted, and never really happened. A second example was what one individual described as "fooling around" while naked with genital contact, but it was not entirely clear whether brief vaginal penetration had taken place. Such individuals, many of them men, wanted to feel that they actually had engaged in sex with someone, or wanted to believe that they had engaged in an exotic sexual experience (e.g., a three-way).
The implications of these findings are profound and far-reaching, both at a personal level and with respect to scientific research. At a personal level, studies have indicated that people rely on discussions with their potential sexual partner to decide whether he or she has been infected with sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). They will consider engaging in sexual behavior if they get the sense that the partner has had little or no previous sexual experience, because they believe the risk for STDs is minimal.
Yet, the research discussed above indicates that a number of people purposefully define their past sexual history in a way that allows them to continue to view themselves as moral or virginal. Other research reveals that some proportion of people admit that they would lie to a potential partner in order to get them to engage in sex. For these reasons, it appears that relying on a partner’s own account of their sexual history is not an extremely safe strategy. Such findings additionally reinforce the idea that scientists must be extremely specific in asking research participants about sexual behavior, targeting particular types of sexual behavior, and avoiding using such emotionally loaded phrases as "having sex."
The bottom line is that sexuality has been so fundamentally condemned on moral and religious grounds throughout Western history that it is fraught with a substantial sense of guilt and anxiety for many individuals. This leads a number of people to feel the need to redefine sexual behavior in which they have engaged in a way that simply makes it "go away." In fact, evidence from a large national survey (Rosenbaum, 2006) indicates that those with conservative religious ideologies, those who had recently become born-again Christians or who had taken virginity pledges, are particularly prone to redefine their sexual histories. Abstinence-only sex education programs may likewise motivate individuals to modify their definitions of their sexual behavior to fit the standards of goodness promoted in such programs.
Peterson, Z. D., & Muehlenhard, C. L. (2007). What is sex and why does it matter? A motivational approach to exploring individuals’ definitions of sex. Journal of Sex Research, 44, 256-268.
Rosenbaum, J. E. (2006). Reborn a virgin: Adolescents’ retracting of virginity pledges and sexual histories. American Journal of Public Health, 96, 1098-1103.
Sanders, S. A., & Reinisch, J. M. (1999). Would you say you "had sex" if . . . ? Journal of the American Medical Association, 281, 275-277.
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